Ukraine is also demonstrating to the world a model of an active, engaged society — one of the foundations of the country's resilience.
The full-scale invasion made Ukrainian civil society widely known both at home and abroad. Charitable foundations, volunteer initiatives, and civic organizations have become part of daily life for millions of Ukrainians, who turn to them for help, donate to them, volunteer with them, and work for them.
The International Renaissance Foundation, established by philanthropist George Soros, has supported democratic participation and independent civic initiatives in Ukraine for 36 years — even before Ukraine gained independence.
Sushko, a political scientist, explains why he believes Ukrainian society has become one of the world's most compelling arguments for freedom at a time when many countries are losing faith in it.
The curse of a 'golden age'
Democracy is going through a difficult period, Sushko writes. Wars, economic instability, and political polarization are fueling demand for harsher governance models, and more people doubt that freedom can answer today's challenges. While much of the world looks backward in search of "better times," Ukraine is on a different path, he argues.
Ukrainians are not burdened by nostalgia for a "golden age" — the country never had cloudless times, even illusory ones, to look back on regarding freedom and democracy. That leaves only one direction: forward.
In many developed countries, Sushko argues, nostalgia for the past has become one of the forces fueling a broader conflict between supporters of freedom and supporters of tighter control — a struggle he predicts will be one of the world's defining tensions in the coming decades, with no predetermined outcome.
Still, Sushko writes, it is too early to say freedom is in retreat globally. There is more violence in the world and less faith in democratic progress, but that does not mean fewer people are willing to defend the values of freedom and open society. For many Ukrainians, freedom has stopped being an abstract value and become an existential one — which is why supporting people and communities defending Ukraine's democratic path remains the foundation's most important mission today.
Freedom as a daily choice
In many societies that take democracy for granted, Sushko adds, people become too divided to recognize their shared interest in freedom, gradually losing the habit of cooperation — a vacuum that benefits those seeking power at freedom's expense.
Ukraine has not reached that point: previous attempts to impose more closed systems failed to gain public support, which is why he believes the mission of open society is far from hopeless in Ukraine — in fact, it is where that mission shows itself most vividly. And it is critically important for Ukrainians to preserve this foundation of values, which allows people with different views and experiences to find common ground.
Both informal initiatives and large civic organizations function successfully in Ukraine, Sushko writes. The volunteer movement that emerged after 2014 marked a new stage in civil society's development, and the full-scale war pushed that culture of cooperation to a fundamentally new level. Sushkko describes Ukraine's culture of trust and self-organization as one of the key differences from Russian society, which he characterizes as built on hierarchy and subordination — a distinction he credits with helping Ukraine withstand an adversary with far greater resources.
The International Renaissance Foundation’s task, Sushko writes, is to strengthen this environment. One example is the Impulse project, run jointly with Norway, Sweden, and the East Europe Foundation, which supports roughly 150 civic organizations helping war-affected communities recover and find shared solutions — an investment in democratic practices Ukrainian society has already demonstrated during the war.
Actions speak for leaders
A new generation of leaders is emerging from extraordinarily difficult conditions, Sushko notes — soldiers, volunteers, local government officials, and civil society figures who have proven their willingness to act when no ready-made solutions exist.
The foundation does not create leaders artificially, he argues, but supports people who already have credibility, strategic vision, and a readiness to act for Ukraine's democratic development, helping connect them with resources, knowledge, networks, and support to work effectively during and after the war.
One example is a veterans' leadership program, whose participants bring unique wartime experience and decisive judgment, Sushko writes. Many feel a sharp sense of injustice and want to drive social change but do not yet know how, so the foundation organizes training, international exchanges, and instruction in responsible leadership principles. Similar work is done with internally displaced people, military families, and others ready to participate in the country's recovery.
Today's world often rewards loudness, emotion and superficial leadership, especially in the social media era, Sushko writes — but that is not enough for Ukraine's recovery, which he says requires leaders who combine responsibility, values, and professional competence. It is on leaders like these that greatest hopes are pinned.
Democracies need philanthropists
Ukrainians are increasingly entrusting their money to such people and organizations, Sushko writes, describing this culture of giving as one of the most important changes the war has brought — one that must be preserved. He notes that the international support system is shifting, with USAID funding cuts and changing priorities among other major donors, creating stress for many countries, which serves as a reminder that a resilient, mature society cannot depend on outside support indefinitely.
Ukraine needs "a hundred Ukrainian Soroses," Sushko writes, arguing that large domestic philanthropists and a culture of mass giving must play a growing role. Open rules, fair competition, trust, and strong institutions create conditions that benefit both society and the economy, which is why he sees big business as a potential ally in the country's democratic development.
Sushko acknowledges that, like George Soros himself, major systemic philanthropists can face political attacks and conspiracy theories. For authoritarian and pro-Russian forces, he writes, the image of a "collective Soros" has long served as a convenient target for discrediting independent philanthropy, since complex problems are easier to explain through the image of a hidden enemy pulling strings behind the scenes.
But no conspiracy theory, he concludes, can change the fact that open-society values resonate deeply with a critical mass of Ukrainians — which is why, in his view, supporting those values is not something foreign or imposed from outside, but flows naturally from the democratic, European future Ukrainians envision for their own country.
Author: Diana Kovalyova